18th November 2005
Afghanistan Insurgency
|
|
by Erich Marquardt -- Source: www.pinr.com
|
|
The Afghan insurgency continues to burden U.S.,
N.A.T.O. and Afghan troops. The Afghan
government and the powers that support it have
been unable to eliminate the resurgent Taliban
and Islamist insurgency that finds its support in
the countryside. The insurgents are using methods
of guerrilla warfare to target policemen,
international workers, and U.S., N.A.T.O. and
Afghan troops. The insurgents regularly set up
ambushes and then retreat near the end of the
ensuing firefight before military reinforcements
can be called in. Additionally, insurgents are
increasingly using suicide attacks and
remote-detonated roadside bombs, apparently
learning from the guerrilla tactics used by
insurgents in Iraq.
While the United
States and its allies in the 2001 Afghan
intervention have had notable successes -- most
significantly, the removal of the Taliban regime
from power and the creation of a new democratic
government complete with elections -- they have
been unable to stomp out the ongoing insurgency
that continues to shake Afghanistan's stability.
In addition, they have failed to control the power
of the warlords that run different regions of the
country. The most significant reason behind
these failures is the lack of military support
and economic assistance provided to the Afghan
government in Kabul.
The
Insurgency
In the first 11 months
of 2005, 87 U.S. troops have been killed in
action, a number that makes up almost half of the
186 killed since the 2001 intervention began. In
the years since the invasion, the insurgents'
tactics have improved, and they are more
successful at causing casualties to government
and international troops. This was most recently
visible on September 25, 2005 when insurgents shot
down a U.S. Chinook helicopter in Zabul province,
killing five American soldiers. U.S. Lieutenant
Colonel Donald Bolduc, whose unit is serving its
fourth tour in Afghanistan, commented on the
increasing effectiveness of the insurgents,
arguing, "The [troops] would tell you that this
is a different enemy than they saw before."
Much of the country has stabilized, but
the peace remains fragile, and attacks by
guerrillas can occur at any time. For instance,
when U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
visited the country on October 12, 2005,
insurgents fired three rockets in downtown Kabul.
Afghan policemen seem to be bearing the brunt of
the insurgent attacks, and are regularly targeted
by Taliban and Islamist fighters. In one
instance, also on October 12, 18 policemen were
killed in Helmand province. More than 200 police
have been killed in 2005.
Only eight
days after the Helmand attack, a car bomb
detonated near a mosque in the south of the
country, killing Nafus Khan, the deputy
provincial police chief of Nimroz province.
Highlighting the dangers to aid workers, that
same day on October 20 an aid worker was killed
after being shot by gunmen on motorbikes.
Suicide attacks have also been on the rise, with
at least 16 incidents in 2005, more than any year
since the intervention began and more than double
the suicide attack total of 2004; it appears that
insurgents are copying tactics used in Iraq.
The latest suicide attacks occurred on
November 14 and November 16. In the November 14
incidents, two separate militants rammed car
bombs into the vehicles of N.A.T.O. troops in
Kabul; the attacks killed a German soldier and a
handful of Afghan civilians. In the November 16
incident, a suicide militant rammed an
explosive-laden taxi into an American military
convoy in Kandahar, killing two Afghan
civilians.
Opium and the
Warlords
Afghanistan's thriving
drug trade is also responsible for much of the
country's violence. Fifty percent of the
country's G.D.P. comes directly or indirectly
from the drug trade, primarily in opium
production. The different drug cartels that are
involved in production and transportation
contribute to the country's violent crime.
The drug trade is made possible by the
country's local warlords. The central government
in Kabul has been unable to exercise control over
the different power factions that control certain
parts of the country. While the warlords are not a
united grouping, they make it difficult for the
central government to extend its authority into
all provinces. The warlords themselves do not
want to give up power to the central government.
Some of these warlords participated in
Afghanistan's recent parliamentary elections and
many were elected.
The United States
and its allies used the warlords and their
respective armies to help stabilize Afghanistan
after the fall of the Taliban. Now, the warlords
have entrenched their power and, without a
significant increase in U.S. or N.A.T.O. troops,
cannot be removed from their positions. This
makes it impossible for Kabul to gain complete
control of the country, meaning that there is
little it can do to stop the flourishing drug
trade on its own. More troubling, the different
centers of power also make it easier for Taliban
and Islamist insurgents to move throughout the
country and attack international and government
troops.
Mild Tension Between Kabul and
Washington
Tension remains between
Kabul and Washington. The United States military
is working to preserve the fragile sense of
stability in the country, without actually having
to increase the number of U.S. troops on the
ground. In its efforts to preserve stability, it
often undertakes actions that alienate the Afghan
population. The Pentagon's use of air strikes
frequently results in civilian casualties, and
the U.S. military's practice of searching Afghan
homes is extremely unpopular among the country's
population.
These practices concern
the government of President Hamid Karzai, who
wants to ensure that U.S. actions do not buoy the
support of the insurgency. In May 2005, for
example, Karzai tried to gain more control over
military operations in Afghanistan; the United
States, however, rejected his request.
Additionally, in September 2005, Karzai tried to
establish a policy where the U.S. military had to
secure Kabul's approval before executing air
strikes and searching homes. The United States
again rejected the requests, arguing that a
change in policy would hamper its ability to
fight the insurgency. There is little that Karzai
can do in the face of such rejections since his
power is founded upon the support of U.S. and
N.A.T.O. troops.
Other U.S. actions
have spurred political protests in the country.
For instance, earlier in 2005, in response to a
report that U.S. operatives at the Guantanamo Bay
detention camp had flushed a copy of the Quran
down a toilet as part of their interrogation
procedures, protests erupted. The May 2005
protests spread to more than ten provinces in
Afghanistan, resulting in deaths and injuries as
Afghan security forces attempted to quell the
riots and demonstrations.
With the
October 19, 2005 release of a new video showing
U.S. soldiers desecrating the corpses of Taliban
fighters, there was fear that protests would
erupt once again; major demonstrations, however,
have yet to occur. The video, believed to have
been shot October 1, 2005 in Gonbaz, in the
southern province of Kandahar, was filmed by an
Australian media network.
Karzai
commented on the desecration incident, saying,
"We in Afghanistan, in accordance with our
religion and traditions and adherence to
international law, are very unhappy and condemn
the burning of two Taliban dead bodies." U.S.
State Department Scott McCormack also commented
on the video, telling reporters on October 20,
"These are very serious allegations and, if true,
very troublesome." Both the U.S. and Afghan
governments have investigated the incidents, but
the results of those investigations remain
confidential. Indeed, once the results are made
public, there is the possibility that it could
spark more protests.
The
Afghan-Pakistan Border
Karzai
continues to express his frustration over the
porous Afghan-Pakistan border. Insurgents
regularly launch attacks on government targets in
Afghanistan, and then escape across the border
into Pakistan; there the insurgents often receive
protection from the Pashtun tribes in Pakistan's
lawless North-West Frontier Province. The
Pak-Afghan border is 2400 kilometers (1500 miles)
long and is mountainous and rugged, making it
extremely difficult to guard or search. It is
believed that al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden and
other senior al-Qaeda figures are hiding in this
area. Many of the Pashtun tribes that live in
the region do not recognize the border separating
Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The United
States has been pressuring Pakistan to better
patrol the province, but this has proved
difficult for Musharraf who faces his own
internal legitimacy problems. He has been victim
of multiple assassination attempts, and cracking
down on the tribes that are situated along the
Pak-Afghan border could further erode his
legitimacy. Additionally, patrolling the border
is difficult simply due to natural geography and
the area's traditional autonomy. Hundreds of
Pakistani security agents have died while
conducting raids on Islamists in this region.
Restructuring of International
Troops
Presently, 18,000 U.S.
troops are involved in maintaining security and
stability in Afghanistan. Additionally, 12,000
members of N.A.T.O. comprise the International
Security Assistance Force (I.S.A.F.) and provide
security in the north and west of the country,
including the capital Kabul.
According to U.S. Marine General James Jones,
N.A.T.O.'s supreme allied commander for
operations, the N.A.T.O. mission will soon be
expanded to the southern provinces, and, in the
future, to the entire country. The exact date of
when N.A.T.O. will be expanded into southern
Afghanistan is still being debated.
The plan calls for German control of the
northern provinces, Italian control of the
western provinces and the area near Kabul,
British troops in the south, the U.S. in the
east, and French and Turkish troops also in the
north.
The United States hopes that
with the expansion of N.A.T.O. to all of
Afghanistan it will be able to reduce the burden
that the Afghan stability operation is causing to
the U.S. military. The American military,
currently engaged in stability operations in both
Afghanistan and Iraq, is hoping that its allies in
these conflicts can commit more troops and lessen
the burden on the United States.
However, a reduction in U.S. forces could
embolden the insurgency. In the words of retired
U.S. General Barry McCaffrey, who visited
Afghanistan in August, "N.A.T.O. forces are in
most cases going to be thin gruel compared to the
U.S. [soldiers] they will replace."
Conclusion
The Afghan
government's failure to end the insurgency, to
gain more control over the warlords, and to
suppress the lucrative drug trade can be
explained by the unwillingness of the United
States and N.A.T.O. to provide the necessary
amount of troops and economic assistance to
better stabilize the country. It is necessary
for Kabul to gain more control over the warlords
in order to have significant results in
suppressing the drug trade and to make it more
difficult for the Taliban and Islamist insurgency
to operate.
Afghanistan remains a side
project to Iraq, and the United States is
interested in using as few resources as necessary
to keep Afghanistan relatively stable. As long as
the Afghan insurgency and the power of the
warlords do not cause greater instability, the
Afghan operation will remain on the backburner
unless Iraq stabilizes. However, as long as
present conditions continue in Afghanistan, the
insurgency will not be defeated and the
insurgents will continue to exploit weak points
caused by the country's fragmented centers of
power.